assemblage had naturally expected that I would

make some reply to the clergyman's attack, but I
made no referencewhatever to him. I merely re-

peated, with emphasis, the sermon I had delivered
in Cleveland.

At the conclusion of the service one of the trustees
of my reverend critic's church came and apologized

for his pastor. He had a high regard for him, the
trustee said, but in this instance there could be no

doubt in the mind of any one who had heard both
sermons that of the two mine was the tolerant, the

reverent, and the Christian one. The attack made
many friends for us, first because of its injustice,

and next because of the good-humored tolerance
with which the suffragists accepted it.

The Atlanta convention, by the way, was ar-
ranged and largely financed by the Misses Howard--

three sisters living in Columbus, Georgia, and each
an officer of the Georgia Woman Suffrage Association.

It is a remarkable fact that in many of our Southern
states the suffragemovement has been led by three

sisters. In Kentucky the three Clay sisters were
for many years leaders in the work. In Texas the

three Finnegan sisters did splendid work; in Loui-
siana the Gordon sisters were our stanchest allies,

while in Virginia we had the invaluable aid of Mary
Johnston, the novelist, and her two sisters. We

used to say, laughingly, if there was a failure to
organize any state in the South, that it must be due

to the fact that no family there had three sisters
to start the movement.

From the Atlanta convention we went directly
to Washington to attend the convention of the

National Council of Women, and on the first day
of this council Frederick Douglass came to the meet-

ing. Mr. Douglass had a special place in the hearts
of suffragists, for the reason that at the first con-

vention ever held for woman suffrage in the United
States (at Seneca Falls, New York) he was the only

person present who stood by Elizabeth Cady Stan-
ton when she presented her resolution in favor of

votes for women. Even Lucretia Mott was startled
by this radical step, and privately breathed into the

ear of her friend, ``Elizabeth, thee is making us
ridiculous!'' Frederick Douglass, however, took the

floor in defense of Mrs. Stanton's motion, a service
we suffragists never forgot.

Therefore, when the presiding officer of the council,
Mrs. May Wright Sewall, saw Mr. Douglass enter the

convention hall in Washington on this particular morn-
ing, she appointed Susan B. Anthony and me a com-

mittee to escort him to a seat on the platform, which
we gladly did. Mr. Douglass made a short speech

and then left the building, going directly to his home.
There, on entering his hall, he had an attack of heart

failure and dropped dead as he was removing his
overcoat. His death cast a gloom over the con-

vention, and his funeral, which took place three
days later, was attended by many prominent men

and women who were among the delegates. Miss
Anthony and I were invited to take part in the

funeral services, and she made a short address,
while I offered a prayer.

The event had an aftermath in Atlanta, for it
led our clerical enemy to repeat his charges against

us, and to offer the funeral of Frederick Douglass as
proof that we were hand in glove with the negro

race.
Under the gracious direction of Miss Kate Gordon

and the Louisiana Woman Suffrage Association, we
held an especially inspiring convention in New

Orleans in 1903. In no previous convention were
arrangements more perfect, and certainly nowhere

else did the men of a community co-operate more gen-
erously with the women in entertaining us. A club

of men paid the rent of our hall, chartered a steam-
boat and gave us a ride on the Mississippi, and in

many other ways helped to make the occasion a suc-
cess. Miss Gordon, who was chairman of the

programme committee, introduced the innovation of
putting me before the audience for twenty minutes

every evening, at the close of the regular session,
as a target for questions. Those present were

privileged to ask any questions they pleased, and I
answered them--if I could.

We were all conscious of the dangers attending
a discussion of the negro question, and it was under-

stood among the Northern women that we must
take every precaution to avoid being led into such

discussion. It had not been easy to persuade Miss
Anthony of the wisdom of this course; her way was

to face issues squarely and out in the open. But
she agreed that we must respect the convictions of

the Southern men and women who were entertain-
ing us so hospitably.

On the opening night, as I took my place to answer
questions, almost the first slip passed up bore these

words:
What is your purpose in bringing your convention to the

South? Is it the desire of suffragists to force upon us the
social equality of black and white women? Political equality

lays the foundation for social equality. If you give the ballot
to women, won't you make the black and white woman equal

politically and therefore lay the foundation for a future claim
of social equality?

I laid the paper on one side and did not answer
the question. The second night it came to me

again, put in the same words, and again I ignored
it. The third night it came with this addition:

Evidently you do not dare to answer this question. There-
fore our conclusion is that this is your purpose.

When I had read this I went to the front of the
platform.

``Here,'' I said, ``is a question which has been
asked me on three successive nights. I have not

answered it because we Northern women had de-
cided not to enter into any discussion of the race

question. But now I am told by the writer of this
note that we dare not answer it. I wish to say that

we dare to answer it if you dare to have it answered
--and I leave it to you to decide whether I shall

answer it or not.''
I read the question aloud. Then the audience

called for the answer, and I gave it in these words,
quoted as accurately as I can remember them: