align="center">Loyal Opposition
(Wendell WilIkie)
Nov. 11, 194o.
忠诚的反对党
（温德尔威基）
1940.11.11
align="center">
Brief introduction to the speaker:
Wendell Willkie (1892-1944) Wendell WilIkie was a U.S. Lawyer and public utility executive, born. in Elwood, land., president Commonwealth and Southern Corporation from 1933 to 194o,Republican candidate for president 1940; author of One World.
演讲者简介：
文德水威基生于印第安那州衣尔伍德，是美国律师和公共事业行政长官。1933－1940年，他任朕邦和南方公司总裁。1940年总统大选中是共和党候选人。著有《一个世界》一书。
align="center">
Good evening, America.
Twenty-two years ago today a great conflict raging on the battlefields of Europe came to an end. The guns were silent. A new era of peace began. And for that era, the people of our western world, our democratic world held the highest hopes. Those hopes have not been fulfilled. The democratic way of life did not become stronger. It became weaker. The spirit of constitutional government flickered like a dying lamp, and within the last year or so, the light from that damp has disappeared entirely upon the continent of Europe. We in America watch darkness fall upon Europe, and as we watch its approach, that important time for us, the national election of 1940. In that election, and in our attitudes after that election, the rest of the world would see an example of democracy in action, an example of a great people, faithful to their constitution and to their elected representatives. The campaign preceding this election stirred us deeply Millions upon millions of us who had never been active in politics took part in it. The people flocked to the polling places in greater numbers than ever before in history Nearly fifty mi1lion peop1e exercised, on November 5, the right of the franchise, the precious right which we inherited from our forefathers and which we must cherish and pass on to future generations. Thus it came about that although constitutional governments have been blotted out elsewhere, here in America, men and women kept it triumphantly alive. No matter which side you were on on that day, remember that this great free expression of our faith in the free system of government must have given hope to millions upon millions of others on the heroic island of Britain, in the ruined cities of France and Belgium, yes, perhaps even to people in Germany and in Italy It has given hope wherever man hopes to be free.
In the campaign preceding this election, serious issues were at stake. People became bitter, many things were said which in calmer moments might have been left unsaid, or might have been worded more thoughtfully But we Americans know that the bitterness is a distortion, not a true reflection of what is in our hearts. I can truthfully say that there is no bitterness in mine, I hope there is none in yours. We have elected Franklin Roosevelt President. He is your President, he is my President. We all of us owe him the respect due to his high office, we give him that respect. We will support him with our best efforts for our country and we pray that God may guide his hand during the next four years in the supreme task of administering the affairs of the people. It is a fundamental principle of the democratic system that the majority rules. The function of the minority, however, is equally fundamental. It is about the function of that minority twenty-two mil1ion people, nearly half of our electorate, that I wish to talk to you tonight.
A vital element in the balanced operation of democracy is a strong, alert and watchful opposition. That is our task for the next four years. We must constitute ourselves a vigorous, loyal and public-spirited opposition party It has been suggested that in order to present a united front to a threatening world, the minority should now surrender its convictions and join the majority This would mean that in the United States of America, there would be only one dominant party only one economic philosophy only one political philosophy of life. This is a totalitarian idea, it is a slave idea, it must be rejected utterly The British people are unified with a unity almost unexampled in history for its endurance and its valor, yet that unity co-exists with an unimpaired freedom of criticism and of suggestion. In the continued debates of the House of Commons, and the House of Lords, all of the government's policies, its taxation, its expenditure, its military and naval policies, its basic economic policies, are brought under steady friendly loyal, critical review Britain survives free. Let us Americans choose no lesser freedom.
In Britain, some opposition party leaders are members of the government, and some say that a similar device should be adopted here. That is a false conception of our government. When the leader of the British Liberal party or a member of the British Labor party becomes a member of the Churchill cabinet, he becomes, from the British parliamentary point of view an equal of Mr. Churchill's. This is because the British cabinet is a committee of the Houses of Parliament. It is a committee of equals wherein the Prime Minister is Chairman, a lofty Chairman indeed, and yet but a Chairman. The other members are his colleagues. With us, the situation as you well know is different. Our executive branch is not a committee of our legislative branch. Our President is independent of our Congress. The members of his cabinet are not his colleagues, they are his administrative subordinates. They are subject to his orders. An American President could fill his whole cabinet with leaders of the opposition party and still our Administration would not be a two-party administration. It would be an administration of a majority President giving orders to minority representatives of his own choosing. These representatives must concur in the President's convictions. If they do not, they have no alternatives except to resign. C1early no such device as this can give us in this country any self respecting agreement between majority and 1ninority for a concerted effort toward the national welfare. Such a plan for us would be but the shadow not the substance of unity Our American unity cannot be made with words, or with gestures, It must be forged between the ideas of the Opposition and the practices and the p0licies 0f the Administration. Ours is a government of the principles, and not one merely of men. Any member of the minority party though willing to die for his country still retains the right to criticize the policies of the government. This right is embedded in our constitutional system. We who stand ready to serve our country behind our Commander-in-Chief, nevertheless retain the right, and I will say the duty, to debate the course of our government. Ours is a two-party system, should we ever permit one party to dominate our lives entirely democracy would col1apse and we would have dictatorship.____ to you, who have so sincerely given yourselves to this cause, which you chose me to lead, I say your function during the next four years is that of the 1oyal opposition. You believe deeply in the principles that we stood for in the recent election, and principles are not like a footba1l suit to be put on in order to play a game, and then taken off when the game is over. It is your constitutional duty to debate the policies of this, or any other administration; and to express yourselves freely and openly to those who represent you in your state and national government. Now let me however, raise a single warning, ours is a very powerful opposition. On November 5, we were a minority by only a few million votes, but let us not therefore fall into the partisan error of opposing things just for the sake of opposition. Ours must not be an opposition against, it must be an opposition for, an opposition for a strong America, a productive America, for only the productive can be strong, and only the strong can be free.
And finally our government must change its punitive attitude towards both big and little business. Regulations there must be. We, of the opposition, have consistently recommended that, but the day of witch-hunting must be over. If this Administration has the unity of America within its heart, and I assume it has, it must consider, without prejudice, and with an open mind, such recommendations of the opposition. National unity can only be achieved by recognizing and giving serious weight to the viewpoint of the Opposition. Such a policy can come only from the Administration itself It will be from the suppression of the Opposition that discord and disunity will arise, the Administration has the ultimate power to force us apart, or to bind us together
And now a word about the most important, the immediate task that confronts this nation. on this, all Americans are at one purpose, there is no disagreement among us about the defense of America- We stand united behind the defense program, but here particularly as a minority party our role is an important one. It is to be constantly watchful, to see that American is effectively safeguarded and that the vast expenditure of funds which we have voted for that purpose is not wasted. And in so far as l have the privilege to speak for you, I express once more the hope that we have to maintain the ream of freedom in Britain and elsewhere by supplying those defenders with materials and equipment. This should be done to the limit of our ability but with due regard to our own defense. On this point, I think I can say without boast, that never in the history of American Presidential campaigns has a candidate gone further than I did in attempting to create a united front. However, I believe that our age should be given by constitutional methods and with the approval, accord and ratification of Congress. Only thus can the people determine from time to time, the course they wish to take and the hazards they wish to run.
Mr. Roosevelt and I both promise the peop1e in the course of the campaign that if we were elected, we would keep this country out of war unless attacked. Mr. Roosevelt was re-elected, and this solemn pledge for him, I know will be fulfi1led, and I know the American people desire him to keep it sacred.
Since November 5, I have received thousands and thousands of letters, as a matter of fact, tens of thousands of them, I have personally read a great portion of these messages. I am profoundly touched. They come from all parts of our country and from all kinds of people. They come from Catholics and Protestants, Jews and Christians, colored people and white people. They come from workers and farmers and clerks and businessmen; men and women of all the occupations that make up our American life. All of these letters and telegrams, almost without exception, urge that the cause that we have been fighting for be carried on. In your enthusiasm for our cause, you founded thousands of organizations, they are your own organizations, financed by you and directed by you. It is very appropriate for you to continue them if you fee1 so inclined. I hope you do continue them. It is not, however, appropriate to continue these organizations in my name. I do not want this great cause to be weakened by even a semblance of any personal advantage to any individual. I feel too deeply about it for that. 1944 will take care of itself
It is of the very essence of my belief that democracy is fruitful of leadership. I want to see all of us dedicate ourselves to the principles for which we fought. My fight for those principles has just begun, I shall advocate them in the future as ardently and as confidently as I have in the past. As Woodrow Wilson once said, "I would rather lose in the cause that I know someday would triumph than to triumph in a cause that I know someday would fail."
Whatever I may undertake in the coming years, I shou1d be working shoulder to shoulder with you for the defense of our free way of life, for the better understanding of our economic system, and for the development of that new America whose vision lies within everyone of us. Meanwhile, let us be proud, let us be happy in the fight that we have made. We have brought our cause to the attention of the world. Millions have welcomed it. As time goes on, millions more will find in it the hope that they are looking for We can go on from here with the words of Abraham Lincoln in our hearts: with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right. Let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation-s wounds, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all
nations.
Good night and God bless and keep everyone of you.
最后由 sindy999 于 2006-10-21 22:43 编辑
关键字:名人演说
生词表:
(Wendell WilIkie)
Nov. 11, 194o.
忠诚的反对党
（温德尔威基）
1940.11.11
align="center">
Brief introduction to the speaker:
Wendell Willkie (1892-1944) Wendell WilIkie was a U.S. Lawyer and public utility executive, born. in Elwood, land., president Commonwealth and Southern Corporation from 1933 to 194o,Republican candidate for president 1940; author of One World.
演讲者简介：
文德水威基生于印第安那州衣尔伍德，是美国律师和公共事业行政长官。1933－1940年，他任朕邦和南方公司总裁。1940年总统大选中是共和党候选人。著有《一个世界》一书。
align="center">
Good evening, America.
Twenty-two years ago today a great conflict raging on the battlefields of Europe came to an end. The guns were silent. A new era of peace began. And for that era, the people of our western world, our democratic world held the highest hopes. Those hopes have not been fulfilled. The democratic way of life did not become stronger. It became weaker. The spirit of constitutional government flickered like a dying lamp, and within the last year or so, the light from that damp has disappeared entirely upon the continent of Europe. We in America watch darkness fall upon Europe, and as we watch its approach, that important time for us, the national election of 1940. In that election, and in our attitudes after that election, the rest of the world would see an example of democracy in action, an example of a great people, faithful to their constitution and to their elected representatives. The campaign preceding this election stirred us deeply Millions upon millions of us who had never been active in politics took part in it. The people flocked to the polling places in greater numbers than ever before in history Nearly fifty mi1lion peop1e exercised, on November 5, the right of the franchise, the precious right which we inherited from our forefathers and which we must cherish and pass on to future generations. Thus it came about that although constitutional governments have been blotted out elsewhere, here in America, men and women kept it triumphantly alive. No matter which side you were on on that day, remember that this great free expression of our faith in the free system of government must have given hope to millions upon millions of others on the heroic island of Britain, in the ruined cities of France and Belgium, yes, perhaps even to people in Germany and in Italy It has given hope wherever man hopes to be free.
In the campaign preceding this election, serious issues were at stake. People became bitter, many things were said which in calmer moments might have been left unsaid, or might have been worded more thoughtfully But we Americans know that the bitterness is a distortion, not a true reflection of what is in our hearts. I can truthfully say that there is no bitterness in mine, I hope there is none in yours. We have elected Franklin Roosevelt President. He is your President, he is my President. We all of us owe him the respect due to his high office, we give him that respect. We will support him with our best efforts for our country and we pray that God may guide his hand during the next four years in the supreme task of administering the affairs of the people. It is a fundamental principle of the democratic system that the majority rules. The function of the minority, however, is equally fundamental. It is about the function of that minority twenty-two mil1ion people, nearly half of our electorate, that I wish to talk to you tonight.
A vital element in the balanced operation of democracy is a strong, alert and watchful opposition. That is our task for the next four years. We must constitute ourselves a vigorous, loyal and public-spirited opposition party It has been suggested that in order to present a united front to a threatening world, the minority should now surrender its convictions and join the majority This would mean that in the United States of America, there would be only one dominant party only one economic philosophy only one political philosophy of life. This is a totalitarian idea, it is a slave idea, it must be rejected utterly The British people are unified with a unity almost unexampled in history for its endurance and its valor, yet that unity co-exists with an unimpaired freedom of criticism and of suggestion. In the continued debates of the House of Commons, and the House of Lords, all of the government's policies, its taxation, its expenditure, its military and naval policies, its basic economic policies, are brought under steady friendly loyal, critical review Britain survives free. Let us Americans choose no lesser freedom.
In Britain, some opposition party leaders are members of the government, and some say that a similar device should be adopted here. That is a false conception of our government. When the leader of the British Liberal party or a member of the British Labor party becomes a member of the Churchill cabinet, he becomes, from the British parliamentary point of view an equal of Mr. Churchill's. This is because the British cabinet is a committee of the Houses of Parliament. It is a committee of equals wherein the Prime Minister is Chairman, a lofty Chairman indeed, and yet but a Chairman. The other members are his colleagues. With us, the situation as you well know is different. Our executive branch is not a committee of our legislative branch. Our President is independent of our Congress. The members of his cabinet are not his colleagues, they are his administrative subordinates. They are subject to his orders. An American President could fill his whole cabinet with leaders of the opposition party and still our Administration would not be a two-party administration. It would be an administration of a majority President giving orders to minority representatives of his own choosing. These representatives must concur in the President's convictions. If they do not, they have no alternatives except to resign. C1early no such device as this can give us in this country any self respecting agreement between majority and 1ninority for a concerted effort toward the national welfare. Such a plan for us would be but the shadow not the substance of unity Our American unity cannot be made with words, or with gestures, It must be forged between the ideas of the Opposition and the practices and the p0licies 0f the Administration. Ours is a government of the principles, and not one merely of men. Any member of the minority party though willing to die for his country still retains the right to criticize the policies of the government. This right is embedded in our constitutional system. We who stand ready to serve our country behind our Commander-in-Chief, nevertheless retain the right, and I will say the duty, to debate the course of our government. Ours is a two-party system, should we ever permit one party to dominate our lives entirely democracy would col1apse and we would have dictatorship.____ to you, who have so sincerely given yourselves to this cause, which you chose me to lead, I say your function during the next four years is that of the 1oyal opposition. You believe deeply in the principles that we stood for in the recent election, and principles are not like a footba1l suit to be put on in order to play a game, and then taken off when the game is over. It is your constitutional duty to debate the policies of this, or any other administration; and to express yourselves freely and openly to those who represent you in your state and national government. Now let me however, raise a single warning, ours is a very powerful opposition. On November 5, we were a minority by only a few million votes, but let us not therefore fall into the partisan error of opposing things just for the sake of opposition. Ours must not be an opposition against, it must be an opposition for, an opposition for a strong America, a productive America, for only the productive can be strong, and only the strong can be free.
And finally our government must change its punitive attitude towards both big and little business. Regulations there must be. We, of the opposition, have consistently recommended that, but the day of witch-hunting must be over. If this Administration has the unity of America within its heart, and I assume it has, it must consider, without prejudice, and with an open mind, such recommendations of the opposition. National unity can only be achieved by recognizing and giving serious weight to the viewpoint of the Opposition. Such a policy can come only from the Administration itself It will be from the suppression of the Opposition that discord and disunity will arise, the Administration has the ultimate power to force us apart, or to bind us together
And now a word about the most important, the immediate task that confronts this nation. on this, all Americans are at one purpose, there is no disagreement among us about the defense of America- We stand united behind the defense program, but here particularly as a minority party our role is an important one. It is to be constantly watchful, to see that American is effectively safeguarded and that the vast expenditure of funds which we have voted for that purpose is not wasted. And in so far as l have the privilege to speak for you, I express once more the hope that we have to maintain the ream of freedom in Britain and elsewhere by supplying those defenders with materials and equipment. This should be done to the limit of our ability but with due regard to our own defense. On this point, I think I can say without boast, that never in the history of American Presidential campaigns has a candidate gone further than I did in attempting to create a united front. However, I believe that our age should be given by constitutional methods and with the approval, accord and ratification of Congress. Only thus can the people determine from time to time, the course they wish to take and the hazards they wish to run.
Mr. Roosevelt and I both promise the peop1e in the course of the campaign that if we were elected, we would keep this country out of war unless attacked. Mr. Roosevelt was re-elected, and this solemn pledge for him, I know will be fulfi1led, and I know the American people desire him to keep it sacred.
Since November 5, I have received thousands and thousands of letters, as a matter of fact, tens of thousands of them, I have personally read a great portion of these messages. I am profoundly touched. They come from all parts of our country and from all kinds of people. They come from Catholics and Protestants, Jews and Christians, colored people and white people. They come from workers and farmers and clerks and businessmen; men and women of all the occupations that make up our American life. All of these letters and telegrams, almost without exception, urge that the cause that we have been fighting for be carried on. In your enthusiasm for our cause, you founded thousands of organizations, they are your own organizations, financed by you and directed by you. It is very appropriate for you to continue them if you fee1 so inclined. I hope you do continue them. It is not, however, appropriate to continue these organizations in my name. I do not want this great cause to be weakened by even a semblance of any personal advantage to any individual. I feel too deeply about it for that. 1944 will take care of itself
It is of the very essence of my belief that democracy is fruitful of leadership. I want to see all of us dedicate ourselves to the principles for which we fought. My fight for those principles has just begun, I shall advocate them in the future as ardently and as confidently as I have in the past. As Woodrow Wilson once said, "I would rather lose in the cause that I know someday would triumph than to triumph in a cause that I know someday would fail."
Whatever I may undertake in the coming years, I shou1d be working shoulder to shoulder with you for the defense of our free way of life, for the better understanding of our economic system, and for the development of that new America whose vision lies within everyone of us. Meanwhile, let us be proud, let us be happy in the fight that we have made. We have brought our cause to the attention of the world. Millions have welcomed it. As time goes on, millions more will find in it the hope that they are looking for We can go on from here with the words of Abraham Lincoln in our hearts: with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right. Let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation-s wounds, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all
nations.
Good night and God bless and keep everyone of you.
最后由 sindy999 于 2006-10-21 22:43 编辑
关键字:名人演说
生词表:
文章标签:演讲
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