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you turn, you will find none but your natural, uncompromising, even necessary



opponents? Are the financiers to be less hated by us than the army? What inept

and criminalgenerosity is it that hurries you to save those seven hundred



Pyrotists whom you will always find confronting you in the social war?

"It is proposed that you act the part of the police for your enemies, and that



you are to re-establish for them the order which their own crimes have

disturbed. Magnanimity pushed to this degree changes its name.



"Comrades, there is a point at which infamy becomes fatal to a society.

Penguin society is being strangled by its infamy, and you are requested to



save it, to give it air that it can breathe. This is simply turning you into

ridicule.



"Leave is to smother itself and let us gaze at its last convulsions with

joyful contempt, only regretting that it has so entirely corrupted the soil on



which it has been built that we shall find nothing but poisoned mud on which

to lay the foundations of a new society."



When Sapor had ended his speech comrade Lapersonne pronounced these few words:

"Phoenix calls us to Pyrot's help for the reason that Pyrot is innocent. It



seems to me that that is a very bad reason. If Pyrot is innocent he has

behaved like a good soldier and has always conscientiously worked at his



trade, which principally consists in shooting the people. That is not a motive

to make the people brave all dangers in his defence. When it is demonstrated



to me that Pyrot is guilty and that he stole the army hay, I shall be on his

side."



Comrade Larrivee afterwards spoke.

"I am not of my friend, Phoenix's opinion but I am not with my friend Sapor



either. I do not believe that the party is bound to embrace a cause as soon as

we are told that that cause is just. That, I am afraid, is a grievous abuse of



words and a dangerous equivocation. For social justice is not revolutionary

justice. They are both in perpetual antagonism: to serve the one is to oppose



the other. As for me, my choice is made. I am for revolutionary justice as

against social justice. Still, in the present case I am against abstention. I



say that when a lucky chance brings us an affair like this we should be fools

not to profit by it.



"How? We are given an opportunity of striking terrible, perhaps fatal, blows

against militarism. And am I to fold my arms? I tell you, comrades, I am not a



fakir, I have never been a fakir, and if there are fakirs here let them not

count on me. To sit in meditation is a policy without results and one which I



shall never adopt.

"A party like ours ought to be continually" target="_blank" title="ad.不断地,频繁地">continually asserting itself. It ought to prove



its existence by continual action. We will intervene in the Pyrot affair but

we will intervene in it in a revolutionary manner; we will adopt violent



action. . . . Perhaps you think that violence is old-fashioned and

superannuated, to be scrapped along with diligences, hand-presses and aerial



telegraphy. You are mistaken. To-day as yesterday nothing is obtained except

by violence; it is the one efficientinstrument. The only thing necessary is



to know how to use it. You ask what will our action be? I will tell you: it

will be to stir up the governing classes against one another, to put the army



in conflict with the capitalists, the government with the magistracy, the

nobility and clergy with the Jews, and if possible to drive them all to



destroy one another. To do this would be to carry on an agitation which would

weaken government in the same way that fever wears out the sick.



"The Pyrot affair, little as we know how to turn it to advantage, will put

forward by ten years the growth of the Social party and the emancipation of



the proletariat, by disarmament, the general strike, and revolution."

The leaders of the party having each expressed a different opinion, the






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